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Why NAHCON needs direct supervision from Vice President’s office, by Ibrahim Yerima 

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In recent months, the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON) has been engulfed in controversy, administrative setbacks, and widespread public concern. At the centre of the debate is a critical question: Who should supervise NAHCON the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) or the Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria?
 
While some actors push aggressively for NAHCON to revert to SGF oversight through open letters to President Tinubu that appear suspiciously timed amid escalating scandals, a closer look shows that stronger supervisory authority under the Vice President is not only legal it is urgently necessary.
 
These calls, including a recent one from a self-proclaimed and non-existent “Nigerian Muslim Coalition” published by Sahara Reporters on December 5, 2025, look more like a desperate bid to evade accountability than a genuine plea for reform.
 
Their ignorance of the Hajj industry was raised to a higher degree when the ghost writer claimed that NAHCON was under SGF after the leasing of its Establishment Act. No, NAHCON was initially under the office of the Vice President when Al Atiku Abubakar was the VP under Obasanjo’s Presidency.
 
Hypocritically, they conveniently ignore the Chairman’s role in the current crises and the Vice President’s proven interventions that have averted total collapse.
 
THE LAW IS CLEAR: THE VICE PRESIDENT IS PART OF PRESIDENCY

Section 20 of the NAHCON Act 2006 places the Commission under the Presidency, explicitly stating that it “shall function” under the President’s office.
 
In law and governance, the Presidency encompasses the President, Vice President, Chief of Staff, and other key aides, not just the SGF. President Tinubu’s June 20, 2023, directive returning NAHCON (alongside NEMA) to the Vice President’s office was explicitly “in compliance with their various establishment Acts.”
 
They claim the Act mandates SGF supervision, but that’s misleading.
Historical practice under the SGF worked when NAHCON had competent leadership; today, with scandals piling up, the Act’s flexibility allows for the Presidency’s most effective arm, the Vice President’s office, to step in. Reverting now would be a step backwards, rewarding failure with leniency.
 
WHY PAST SGF OVERSIGHT WORKED AND WHY IT NO LONGER DOES

It is often argued that NAHCON performed well when it was previously reported to the SGF. But those successes came not because the SGF was the ideal supervisory organ, but because NAHCON enjoyed highly competent Chairmen who ensured early planning, strong coordination with aviation, foreign affairs, and security agencies, and credibility with Saudi authorities. They are men who understand the difference between administrators and a blunderer
 
Those conditions no longer exist. Leadership weaknesses at the helm of NAHCON have exposed the limitations of SGF-based supervision, which is too broad, too dispersed, and too administratively overloaded to manage the complexities of Hajj operations. The SGF coordinates dozens of agencies, diluting focus on a high-stakes operation like Hajj that demands real-time political clout.
 
Under Vice President Kashim Shettima, However, we’ve seen swift, decisive action summoning the Chairman and board for accountability sessions, micromanaging service provider selections, and securing Nigerian slots with Saudi carriers to prevent embarrassment.

LEARDERSHIP FAILURES AT THE HEART OF NAHCON’S CRISIS
 
The recurring problems in recent Hajj operations have little to do with where NAHCON reports and everything to do with where leadership has fallen short. Under Chairman Prof. Abdullahi Saleh Usman, affectionately nicknamed “Pakistan” for his ties to the country, but now synonymous with scandal, the 2025 Hajj was marred by:
• Late submissions to Saudi agencies, risking quota losses.
• Chaotic flight arrangements due to the Chairman’s interventions, leaving pilgrims stranded.
• Poor inter-agency coordination and communication breakdowns with states and private operators.
• Inability to enforce operational timelines, including failing to apply for refunds by May 14, 2025, as per Saudi rules, potentially costing Nigeria billions.
These failures have made stronger, hands-on, politically empowered supervision indispensable, and only the Vice President’s office provides that. Shettima’s direct engagement, including lambasting the Chairman for running NAHCON like a “sole administrator” in April 2025, has been the firewall preventing deeper chaos.
 
MOUNTING PUBLIC ALLEGATIONS THAT CANNOT BE IGNORED

Across newspapers, online media, and investigative blogs, numerous allegations have surfaced regarding the Chairman’s stewardship, from contract controversies to procurement irregularities and internal administrative disputes. The EFCC’s October 2025 grilling of Usman himself, following his brother’s August detention over alleged N50 billion fraud in Hajj expenditures, underscores the rot.
 
Specifics include N25 billion squandered on overinflated Masha’ir tents, N8 billion on unused contingency housing, and N1.6 billion on officials’ spouses’ perks funds that could have eased pilgrim burdens.
 
Adding to the Chairman’s distress is the failure of his most preferred company, Ikram Daif, to secure key contracts for the 2026 Hajj, allegedly due to a promised kickback arrangement funnelled through his agent, Ummu Faisal, a Nigerien citizen based in Saudi Arabia who reportedly acts as a front for Usman in such dealings.

Insiders claim this setback has fueled his desperation, as Ikram Daif’s involvement was seen as a guaranteed revenue stream for personal gain.

Further stoking concerns, the Chairman is accused of removing two established companies, Amjad Salam and Amjad Garra catering that refused to pay him kickbacks this year.
 
Both participated successfully in the 2025 Hajj and were initially approved for rollover contracts, but Usman allegedly ousted them in favour of two newcomers: SEDRA INTERNATIONAL and AL-SADUW. These firms had no prior participation in last year’s operations, lacked any established ranking or record with NAHCON, and their sudden inclusion raises grave questions about transparency, fairness, and compliance with procurement standards.
 
Compounding the issue, Usman reportedly allocated them the lion’s share of Medina accommodations 7,500 bedspaces combined, in anticipation of kickbacks.
 
The Executive Committee (Exco) vehemently opposed this move, but the Chairman overruled them, illegally adding the companies to the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) no-objection list.
 
These allegations remain under probe, but their consistency has eroded public confidence, damaged institutional credibility, and triggered attention from oversight bodies like the EFCC, ICPC, and DSS. Where controversy flourishes, stronger supervision becomes mandatory, not a retreat to the SGF’s diluted oversight.
 
THE DISTURBING POLITICAL UNDERCURRENTS

Multiple sources within the Hajj ecosystem allege that negative campaigns against the Vice President originated from individuals seeking to resist accountability.

Reports suggest attempts by the Chairman and allies to influence NAHCON oversight in exchange for promises of 2026 Hajj contracts, including using a Presidential aide on a political matter and another Presidential Security aide to gain access to President Tinubu.

In return, the President’s Security aide allegedly placed his brother-in-law as the Chairman’s PA to monitor compliance ensuring their “bargain” is held.
 
This isn’t speculation; it’s the ugly underbelly of a Chairman now sponsoring media hits against Shettima, the very leader who salvaged the 2025 Hajj from failure through emergency meetings and directives ignored by Usman.
 
The fallout escalated: At one point, Usman was outright banned from accessing the Presidential Villa due to his erratic behaviour and mounting lies, including evading accountability sessions and fabricating progress reports.
 
This isolation only deepened his reliance on a shadowy inner circle, trusting no one more than Dan Baba Haruna, a close confidant who has since the August EFCC detention and removal of Usman’s brother, Sirajo Salisu Usman (the original “de facto chairman”) fully assumed that role.
 
Haruna allegedly now signs memos, grants approvals, and dictates staff postings, effectively running NAHCON as a personal fiefdom. He even coerced the Chairman into appointing him head of E-Track (electronic tracking systems) and Visa Issuance roles originally slated for the capable Mr Shehu Raji, Head of ICT. Raji, frustrated by the Chairman’s demands to bend rules, refused to comply and was ousted, his expertise sacrificed for Haruna’s loyalty.
 
Haruna flaunts his authority openly, name-dropping his brother, Deputy Chief of Staff Senator Hadejia, as the source of his instructions and unassailable backing. Staff are barred from approaching the Chairman without Haruna’s gatekeeping; even commissioners must route memos through him for approval, stifling dissent and professionalism.
 
This stranglehold peaked just a week ago, on November 29, 2025, when the Commissioner for  (PRSILS) clashed publicly with Usman over his authoritarian dictatorship. The commissioner accused the Chairman of sidelining the board entirely, making unilateral decisions with Haruna alone, escalating a toxic culture that has left NAHCON on the brink.
 
Saudi authorities themselves flagged “poor coordination and corruption” tied to the Chairman, routing complaints through Foreign Affairs.
 
All these remain allegations that are under investigation, but they reflect a climate of distrust that threatens good governance.

DIPLOMATIC REPERCUSSIONS

The Chairman’s blatant disregard for established partners and protocols has further isolated NAHCON, leading to severe diplomatic and operational repercussions. Key fallout includes:

  • The complete withdrawal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from all NAHCON activities, including the traditional signing of the annual Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Saudi Arabia by the Foreign Minister a longstanding practice to underscore Nigeria’s commitment to bilateral Hajj ties.

For the 2026 Hajj, the MOU signing on November 9, 2025, in Jeddah was notably absent of ministerial presence, with only the Chairman representing Nigeria opposite Saudi Deputy Minister Abdulfatah Mashat a clear “no confidence vote” signaling strained relations.

  • Non-participation of the Nigerian Consulate in Jeddah and Riyadh in NAHCON’s on-ground activities in Saudi Arabia, leaving pilgrims without vital consular support.
  • Widespread avoidance of NAHCON by other government agencies crucial to foreign matters, such as Immigration, Aviation, and Health Ministries.
  • Consistent warnings from Saudi authorities directly to the Chairman regarding his poor leadership.

WHY THE CHAIRMAN PREFERS REPORTING TO SGF

The push to remove NAHCON from Vice Presidential supervision has little to do with efficiency. Instead, many insiders believe the SGF’s office already burdened with dozens of agencies offers weaker scrutiny, less operational familiarity with Hajj systems, slower crisis-response mechanisms, and minimal real-time oversight.

In contrast, the Vice President’s office has shown quicker intervention capacity, stronger alignment with aviation and foreign affairs agencies, direct engagement with State Pilgrims Welfare Boards, and proactive monitoring. Shettima’s oversight even prompted NAHCON’s rare commendation of his “close supervision” in a November 2025 X post

THE UNSUNG STABILIZERS: THREE COMMISSIONERS PREVENTING INSTITUTIONAL COLLAPSE

Amid the turbulence, it is widely acknowledged that NAHCON would be in far worse condition if not for the steadying role of three commissioners: Anofi Elegushi (Operations), Abdulrazak Aliu (Finance), and Prof. Abubakar A. Yagawal (Planning). Despite EFCC detentions tied to the Chairman’s circle, their professionalism sustained operations.

THE PATH FORWARD

Nigeria’s Hajj administration is too important religiously, diplomatically, and economically to be left vulnerable to weak oversight, leadership lapses, and political intrigue. Groups like the National Movement for Public Awareness hailed the 2023 shift to the VP’s office as a “step in the right direction” for better pilgrim services.

Reverting now would undo that progress, handing reins back to a scandal-plagued status quo.

The Vice President’s office, backed by law and equipped with stronger executive capacity, is simply better positioned to stabilise NAHCON, restore credibility, and protect Nigerian pilgrims. Good governance requires supervision that works not supervision that is convenient for those resisting accountability.

President Tinubu should stand firm: Keep NAHCON under Shettima, probe the scandals to their roots, kick Pakistan out and let the Vice President’s steady hand guide Hajj into a fraud-free future. Pilgrims deserve no less.

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